Chapter 8

The Fourth Century: Constantius II and Julian

 

The achievements of Diocletian and Constantine were real and revolutionary in many ways.  Nonetheless, there was no way to know whether they would survive and continue to guide the empire into the future.  The task of providing continuity, of solidifying the situation and bringing these reforms to fruition, was left to Constantine's successors.  These would determine, for example, whether Christianity would remain the foundation of imperial policy or whether there would be a return to classical polytheism.

 

The Sons of Constantine

 

Oddly enough, Constantine had not made secure arrangements for the succession.  To be sure, his three surviving sons had all been made Caesars: Constantine II (in 316), Constantius II (in 326), and Constans (in 336).  All three were the sons of Constantine and Fausta.  But Constantine had also made his two nephews Caesars: Dalmatius and Hanibalianus (the sons of his half-brothers).  The Caesars were dispatched to various parts of the empire where they all gained in experience by ruling in the name of the great Constantine.  Hanibalianus, interestingly enough, had been named king of Armenia.

            Upon the elder emperor's death (337) there was a moment of remarkable indecision, lasting four months, when it was unclear who would actually seize power and rule the state.  For one reason or another rumors arose that Constantine's half brothers had poisoned him and stories of conspiracies spread throughout the empire.  The troops, meanwhile, made their opinions known and took an oath that they would support no one other than the sons of Constantine.  Accordingly, a massacre was carried out: Dalmatius and Hannibalianus were murdered, along with all the members of their families, with the exception of two young sons of Constantine's half-brother Julius Constantius--Gallus and Julian. 

The sons of Constantine were thus formally acknowledged as Augusti: Constantine II was 21, Constantius II 20, and Constans 17.  The empire was then divided: Constantine II received the western part of the empire, Constans held Italy, Africa, and Illyricum, and Constantius II the East.  Dispute broke out, however, among the brothers.  In 340 Constantine II attacked Constans, but instead he was defeated and killed; Constans inherited his brother's territory and controlled the entire West.  Constans was occupied in defending the Roman frontier in Britain and Germany, while Constantius II had to deal with a revitalized Persia under the ambitious Shapur II (309-79).  A long and difficult war in Mesopotamia was terminated by a treaty in 350.  In the West Constans earned the displeasure of the troops because of his harshness and in 350 he was overthrown and killed in an insurrection led by the officer Magnentius.  Three claimants arose for the throne: Magnentius (an officer of Germanic origin), Vetranio (the magister militum), and Nepotianus (a nephew of Constantine).  Magnentius remained in control of the West, and  Constantius refused to recognize him, but marched westward and engaged Magnentius in a series of battles (from 351 onward) which finally resulted in Magnentius' defeat and death.  By 353 Constantius II was ruler of an undivided empire.

Constantius, however, realized the difficulty of ruling the entire empire by himself and he sought a co-emperor.  Turning naturally to the few remaining members of his own family, he selected Gallus--one of the two to survive the massacre--and made him Caesar.  Gallus was married to Constantius’ sister Constantia and sent to deal with the Persian frontier.  His success against the Persians, however, as well as his temper, excited Constantius' jealousy and suspicion.  Constantius recalled Gallus and had him executed in 354.

Constantius next turned to Gallus' younger brother Julian, who was named Caesar in 355 (at age 23).  Although Julian had no previous military experience, and had spent nearly all of his time in the study of literature and philosophy, he soon became a popular and successful commander.  He was able to put down a military insurrection in Gaul and to secure the stability of the frontier in Britain and along the Rhine (357-59).  Constantius, however, became suspicious of the Caesar's success and at the beginning of 360 he ordered the bulk of Julian's troops to leave Gaul and move to the eastern frontier.  Unwilling to leave their homes in the West, Julian's armies revolted and proclaimed Julian as emperor, supposedly against his will.  Julian sought Constantius' approval for his new status as Augustus, but the elder emperor refused.  In 361 the two armies marched toward each other for a battle to decide the issue, but Constantius suddenly and unexpectedly became ill and died.  Constantius had no sons, and Julian became emperor of the whole state.

In religion the Arian controversy continued to cause difficulties.  In the West, the decisions of the council were more or less accepted, but in the East opinion was divided.  Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, maintained a hard-line policy that one must accept the teaching of Nicaea that the Son was “homoousios” (of the same substance) with the Father.  His followers are called homoousians.  Constans generally supported Nicaea, while Constantius opposed it.  There were, however, many shades of Arianism: anomoians, homoians.  As a result of conflict among the sons of Constantine Athanasius was exiled and re-instated several times.  Constantius sought to find some formula for compromise and summoned several councils for that purpose, but they all failed.  Constantius was therefore a moderate Arian, but his bishop, Macedonius of Constantinople, was more militant and he sought to persecute the Nicaeans.

 

Julian the Apostate (361-63)

 

Julian will always remain a mysterious and controversial figure, admired by some but feared and detested by others.  He was a great threat to the Constantinian system and to the dominance of Christianity and one will never know what might have happened had his reign not been cut suddenly short.

            Julian, as other members of his family, had been raised as a Christian and he had even taken lower clerical orders (as a "lector" -- or "reader" -- in the church).  He had studied under the bishop George of Cappadocia, but he was particularly attracted to Hellenic learning, literature, and philosophy.  He studied rhetoric at Pergamum and philosophy in the famous schools of Athens.  It is impossible to know exactly when Julian decided to make a break with Christianity and put his pagan leanings into practice, but shortly after the death of Constantius he officially cancelled the laws issued against pagan practices.  The bases of Julian's political policy were his philosophical and personal attraction to classical Hellenism and his hostility toward the policies of Constantine and his family.  This latter may well have arisen as a reaction to the terrible massacre of his family in 337, but the former seems to have been a genuine personal preference, deeply seated in Julian's personal experience (and of course perhaps also connected with the massacre).  Julian's paganism was a curious blend of intellectual preference for classical literature and a crude superstition, based apparently on the influence of some of the "sophists" who influenced him.  Some of these were genuine intellectuals , but others were theurgists--these latter were, generally speaking, charlatans who used magic, fraud, and slight-of-hand to fool the gullible.  Maximus, whom Julian apparently met at Pergamum, was one of the most notorious of these, and he had considerable influence on the young prince.  Julian was initiated into the sacred mysteries at Ephesus and later at Eleusus (near Athens) and he invited Maximus to join him later at court.

            Julian did not openly persecute the Christians, but rather re-opened toleration to all, including heretics and Jews.  He encouraged the latter to re-build the Temple at Jerusalem (inviting all kinds of apocalyptic expectations of the end of the world) and he sought to embarrass the Christians since he knew that toleration of all heretics would quickly lead to infighting and even bloodshed among them (it did!).  He believed in the superiority of polytheism and thought that if people were given a free choice, they would quickly abandon Christianity and revert to traditional religion (many did).  But Julian also sought to reshape and reinvigorate polytheism, unifying and organizing it and encouraging the priesthood to set a good example for charity and proper behavior.  His religion was essentially monotheistic and philosophical, although again his ideas were also laced with some of the basest superstition.  The one serious criticism of his policies, made by pagans and Christians alike, was that he forbade Christians to teach in the schools--saying they could retire and teach the Gospels!  Many of these Christian teachers turned their talents to other tasks, including Apollinarius and his son Apolinarius, who set about to turn the Gospels into proper classical verse!

            Julian quickly turned his attention to military affairs and in 363 he prepared a great campaign against Persia.  While he was preparing his expedition he attempted to win the inhabitants of Antioch over to his brand of polytheism.  These, however, generally refused to listen, and only laughed at the emperor and called him names.  Julian's military campaign was, however, at first a brilliant success.  Julian pushed on to the interior of Persia and even attacked the Persian capital of Ctesiphon.  While rallying his troops, however, Julian was mysteriously struck by a spear and soon thereafter died, thus cutting short the military campaign and his overall program.  Julian's successor, Jovian, was a Christian, and policy once again returned to the direction earlier set by Constantine and his sons.  We will never know what would have happened had Julian enjoyed a longer reign.

 

Historians, both ancient and modern, have held widely divergent views of the last pagan emperor.  Ammianus Marcellinus was a pagan and a contemporary of Julian.   Like many of the educated elite, he saw Julian as a heroic figure and the last hope for a return to the policies of the old Roman state.  Nevertheless, even Ammianus realized that Juian’s character was not free of fault.

 

“He [Julian] was a man truly to be numbered with the heroic spirits, distinguished for his illustrious deeds and his inborn majesty.  For since there are, in the opinion of the philosophers, four principal virtues, moderation, wisdom, justice, and courage and corresponding to these also to some external characteristics, such as knowledge of theart of war, authority, good fortune, and liberality, these as a whole and separately Julian cultivated with constant zeal.

            “In the first place, he was so conspicuous for inviolate chastity that after the loss of his wife it is well known that he never gave a thought to love: bearing in mind whet we read in Plato, that Sophocles, the tragic poet, when he was asked, at a great age, whether he still had congress with women, said no, adding that he was glad that he had escaped from this passion as from some mad and cruel master. . . .

            “Then there were very many proofs of his wisdom, of which it will suffice to mention a few.  He was thoroughly skilled in the arts of war and peace, greatly inclined to courtesy, and claiming for himself only so much deference as he though preserved him from contempt and insolence.  He was older in virtue than in years.  He gave great attention to the administration of justice, and was sometimes an unbending judge; also a very strict censor in regulating conduct, with a calm contempt for riches, scorning everything mortal; in short, he often used to declare that it was shameful for a wide man, since he possessed a soul, to seek honors from bodily gifts…..  His authority was so well established that, being feared as well as deeply loved as one who shared in the dangers and hardships of his men , he both in the heat of fierce battles condemned cowards to punishment, and, while he was still only a Caesar, he controlled his men even without pay, when they were fighting with savage tribes, as I have long ago said.  And when they were armed and mutinous, he did not fear to address them and threaten to return to private life, if they continued to be insubordinate.  Finally, one thing it will be enough to know in token of many, namely, that merely by a speech he induced his Gallic troops, accustomed to snow and to the Rhine, to traverse long stretches of country and follow him through torrid Assyria to the very frontiers of the Medes.  His success was so conspicuous that for a long time he seemed to ride on the shoulders of Fortune herself, his faithful guide as he in victorious career surmounted enormous difficulties.  And after he left the western region, so long as he was on earth all nations preserved perfect quiet, as if a kind of earthly want of Mercury were pacifying them.

            “There are many undoubted tokens of his generosity.  Among these are his very light imposition of tribute, his remission of the crown-money, the cancellation of many debts made great by long standing, the impartial treatment of disputes between the privy purse and private persons, the restoration of the revenues from taxes to various states along with their lands …furthermore, that he was never eager to increase his wealth, which he thought was better secured in the hands of its possessors; and he often remarked that Alexander the Great, when asked where his treasures were, gave the kindly answer, “in the hands of my friends.”

            “Having set down his good qualities, so many as I could know, let me now come to an account of his faults, although they can be summed up briefly.  In disposition he was somewhat inconsistent, but he controlled this by the excellent habit of submitting, when he went wrong, to correction.  He was somewhat talkative, and very seldom silent; also too much given to the consideration of omens and portents, so that in this respect he seemed to equal the emperor Hadiran.  Superstitious rather than truly religious, he sacrificed innumerable victims with out regard to cost, so that one might believe that if he had returned from the Parthians, there would soon have been a scarcity of cattle….

“He delighted in the applause of the mob, and desired beyond measure praise for the slightest matters, and the desire for popularity often led him to converse with unworthy men…..

“The laws which he enacted were not oppressive, but stated exactly what was to be done or left undone, with a few exceptions.  For example, it was a harsh law that forbade Christian rhetoricians and grammarians to teach, unless they consented to worship the pagan deities.  And also it was almost unbearable that in the municipal towns he unjustly allowed persons to be made members of the councils, who, either as foreigners, or because of personal privileges or birth, were wholly exempt from such assemblies.

“The figure and proportion of his body were as follows.  He was of medium stature.  His hair lay smooth as if it had been combed, his beard was shaggy and trimmed so as to end in a point, his eyes were fine and full of fire, an indication of the acuteness of his mind.  His eyebrows were handsome, his nose very straight, his mouth somewhat large with a pendulous lower lip.  His neck was thick and somewhat bent, his shoulders large and broad.  Moreover, right from top to toe he was a man of straight well-proportioned bodily frame and a result was strong and a good runner.  (Ammianus Marcellinus 25.4.1 –25)

 

Edward Gibbon, in his Decline and Fall (chapter 22), has an idealistic view of Julian:

 

"The reformation of the Imperial court was one of the first and most necessary acts of the government of Julian. Soon after his entrance into the palace of Constantinople he had occasion for the service of a barber. An officer, magnificently dressed, immediately presented himself. "It is a barber," exclaimed the prince, with affected surprise, "that I want, and not a receiver-general of the finances." He questioned the man concerning the profits of his employment, and was informed that, besides a large salary and some valuable perquisites, he enjoyed a daily allowance for twenty servants and as many horses. A thousand barbers, a thousand cupbearers, a thousand cooks, were distributed in the several offices of luxury; and the number of eunuchs could be compared only with the insects of a summer's day. The monarch who resigned to his subjects the superiority of merit and virtue was distinguished by the oppressive magnificence of his dress, his table, his buildings, and his train. The stately palaces erected by Constantine and his sons were decorated with many-coloured marbles and ornaments of massy gold. The most exquisite dainties were procured to gratify their pride rather than their taste; birds of the most distant climates, fish from the most remote seas, fruits out of their natural season, winter roses, and summer snows. The domestic crowd of the palace surpassed the expense of the legions; yet the smallest part of this costly multitude was subservient to the use, or even to the splendour, of the throne. The monarch was disgraced, and the people was injured, by the creation and sale of an infinite number of obscure and even titular employments; and the most worthless of mankind might purchase the privilege of being maintained, without the necessity of labour, from the public revenue. The waste of an enormous household, the increase of fees and perquisites, which were soon claimed as a lawful debt, and the bribes which they extorted from those who feared their enmity or solicited their favour, suddenly enriched these haughty menials. They abused their fortune, without considering their past or their future condition; and their rapine and venality could be equalled only by the extravagance of their dissipations. Their silken robes were embroidered with gold, their tables were served with delicacy and profusion; the houses which they built for their own use would have covered the farm of an ancient consul; and the most honourable citizens were obliged to dismount from their horses and respectfully to salute an eunuch whom they met on the public highway. The luxury of the palace excited the contempt and indignation of Julian, who usually slept on the ground, who yielded with reluctance to the indispensable calls of nature, and who placed his vanity not in emulating, but in despising the pomp of royalty." Chapter 22

 


"Julian was not insensible of the advantages of freedom. From his studies he had imbibed the spirit of ancient sages and heroes; his live and fortunes had depended on the caprice of a tyrant; and, when he ascended the throne, his pride was sometimes mortified by the relfection that the slaves who would not dare to censure his defects were not worthy to applaud his virtues. He sincerely abhorred the system of oriental despotism which Diocletian, Constantine, and the patient habits of four score years, had established in the empire. A motive of superstition prevented the execution of the design which Julian had frequently meditated, of relieving his head from the weight of a costly diadem; but he absolutely refused the title of Dominus or Lord, a word which was grown so familiar to the ears of the Romans, that they no longer remembered its servile and humiliating origin."

 

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